漫談古琴

ZHA Fu-xi

一、古琴的形式

許多人對於稱為七弦琴的古琴都是不很陌生的。不僅在小說和戲劇裏時常看到俞伯牙鍾子期的友好及司馬相如卓文君的結婚和古琴的關係的故事，而且時常可以在陳列室、古董市上看到古琴實物。約兩千年前古琴就在民間發展著；約三百年前，古琴曾經被用來作為一種曲藝或是說唱音樂的伴奏樂器。之後，仍然有很多人欣賞著古琴；到現在全國各地還有好幾百人會演奏古琴。古琴曲曾是多數人所欣賞的音樂。

我們有材料可以說明它是我國的一個相當重要的文化遺產。它有一千四百年以來不斷的傳譜，並且或多或少地吸收了歷代的一些可貴的旋律，保存在九十種以上的巨帙琴譜之中。在已往它被人民愛好以致產生了不少關於它的神話，因此它應該得到重視和適當的發展。

古琴的形制具有顯明的民族特點。它是以它那兩寸來厚六寸多寬四尺多長的全身充作共鳴器的。一般弦樂器的指板是不到樂器本身十分之一寬的另一條狹窄的小板片或木柱，而古琴的指板，卻是那四寸寬三尺多長的全弦面。一般弦樂器的軫足是在演奏人的左手上方，而古琴的軫足是在演奏人的右手下方。除豎箜篌受體制的限制外，一般弦樂器的低音弦是在演奏人的裏方，古琴弦長相同，並無體制限制，而它的低音弦卻在演奏人的外方。一般弦樂器的共鳴器是面平背穹，而古琴是面穹背平。一般弦樂器的共鳴孔是在樂器的正面，而古琴是在樂器的反面。一般弦樂器的音位不是標的三分損益律就是標的平均律，而古琴標的是純律。一般弦樂器的定弦立調有正無側（有規律），而古琴常有側調（三十九個側調均衝破了規律）。

在音樂史上有些人傾向說歐亞大陸文化較高民族的弦樂器同源，這是以一般弦樂器形制大都統一的事實作為重要的根據的。但是上面所列舉古琴形制的獨特而且相反的形式，卻否定了這種統一。這就可能允許我們提出一個新的問題——是否長江或黃河中下游兩岸民族可能在古代創造過另一種體系的音樂文化呢？看了楚文物展覽中的楚國弦樂器，再綜合多種秦漢金石上的古琴形制，現在的古琴顯然就是楚漢弦樂發展而成的，那末許愼說琴的形象琴也就有了問題了。許愼的材料有些是亂的，我們至少可以說，象形的琴不是「五弦，周加二弦」的琴。我們固然也要承認同源於巴比倫的琴，可能在漢以前也到過中國，但我們也可以說中國的古琴是另有來源的。

二、古琴是一直流行在民間的

根據秦漢以前歷史上記載下來的詩歌和文獻所提到的和出土的器物、畫像所對證的琴，它的形制在漢代以前很亂，的確還不完全像現在的七弦琴。在漢代以前，琴和瑟的弦數似乎都不一定，大概是把那種笨重龐大用移柱的方法定弦的弦樂器稱為瑟，而把比較輕便用轉動軫軸的方法定弦的弦樂器叫作琴。琴可能是對古代輕便的弦樂器的一種稱呼，也可能這就是它能流行在民間的原因。

可能是到了漢代琴才是七條琴弦。那時的人所稱的「雅琴」是民間藝人像師中、趙定、龍德等人所用的樂器，在公元前一百年前後，被送進宮廷以後，「雅琴」就被統治階級拿去享受直到魏晉還是被稱為「雅琴」的。似乎是到了南北朝的南朝，最早漢末嵇康時，古琴的形制才和現時形制大體相同，不但是七條弦，也有了十三「徽」。現存最早的中國樂譜就是古琴譜，就是梁時的產物，傳這個譜的是一個民間藝人丘明（五○○至五九○）。

彈古琴的民間藝人不但把琴發展到定型，創造了古琴的專用樂譜，而且在六朝亂世中還僅僅只有彈古琴的民間藝人能把舊有音樂文化中的楚漢民族風格保存下來。到了唐代，民間的古琴家像趙耶利、董庭蘭、陳康士那些人，他們不但吸收了許多外來的旋律如祝家聲、沈家聲，大膽創作；而且寫下了不少的曲譜和琴學專書。若不是後來的一些夢想復古的士大夫嫌它們「淺俚之甚」、「辭皆鄙俚」認為「不足以行遠」以致都「不幸而不見」了，那是多麼好的文化遺產！

在想復古的北宋和苟安的南宋時代，包括遼金區域，士大夫彈琴的人似乎很多，而很知名的民間的古琴作曲家反而少了。在整個宋代中，我們只能從士大夫和知識份子談到古琴的文獻裏面知道一些民間古琴家如像孫道滋和僧義海。而那些知識份子和士大夫像范仲淹以酷好彈《履霜操》而知名，歐陽修時常談古琴美學，蘇東坡喜歡彈琴，也會作曲，並且乾脆自認古琴「正是鄭衛之音」，這說明他們肯定著古琴的民間性。只是他們自己作的曲，拿僅存的宋代兩個小琴譜《古怨》和《黃鶯吟》來看，不但是比不上宋以前民間藝人的創作，而且也沒有民間氣味。可是到了宋朝覆亡前後，就湧現出一些民族意識很豐厚的民間古琴家來，跨著宋元兩代的郭楚望創作了奔騰動盪的大曲《瀟湘水雲》，毛敏仲創作了變聲激楚的大曲《樵歌》，汪大有在監獄裏為文天祥作了《拘幽》等等，都傳到了至今。

三、民間的古琴與非民間的古琴

從明初出現一部體系比較完整的古琴專譜《神奇秘譜》起，有許多關於古琴的民間文獻和古琴曲譜被保存到現在，而且這些文獻和曲譜中有許多材料是宋代晚期民間古琴藝人整理保存下來的。這些文獻多數是十卷以上大部頭刻本專籍，明代的就有二十種以上，如包括清代到解放時為止共計有一百多種，而全部及部分材料屬於民間範疇的竟有九十多種，我們可以從這些材料裏面把古琴存在的情況分析出來。

古琴不止流傳在民間，歷代的統治階級也把它雜在官家的廟壇音樂（他們自稱「雅樂」）裏面當作祀神廟和祭天地之類的典禮音樂來演奏。在舊時所有「經」、「史」、「子」、「集」之內有關古琴的材料多是屬於這種廟壇音樂範疇的，而大部分這種廟壇音樂又主要是用大批文字樂章向人民示威和麻醉人民的。廟壇音樂把古琴雜在許多其他樂器裏面，一字一聲，死板地彈著，這就是所謂「雅樂」的古琴。如果把這一類「雅樂」琴曲的譜子單獨的彈奏出來，那是沒有甚麼音樂價值的。歷代的太常寺和清代的和聲署只是養著些寄生蟲式的樂官，遇著典禮演奏，臨時湊一些所謂樂舞生，國子生，廩生之類欺人自欺地混在「雅樂」隊裏彈琴鼓瑟，胡搞一頓。這種所謂「雅樂」，每代都有大套的杜撰，這裏面杜撰的古琴音樂，也就和「雅樂」在一起，跟著每一朝代的滅亡而死亡。

民間的古琴音樂卻是經常活動在民間的，不但不死亡，而且有相當的發展。上面談到宋明以來僅是記譜方面的印本專書就有近百種之多，這就是它的發展的證據之一。只是在它的發展過程中，因為愛好者的口味不同，就必然會產生一些派系。從宋代末期起，屬於民間範圍的古琴音樂就存在著兩個大的宗派——當時稱為浙派（出現在浙江）和江派（出現在長江東段的南岸）。到了明代，這兩派的界限更加分明。浙派主張只欣賞古琴的旋律，不許有歌唱的文詞。他們的古琴曲譜大概都是用比較複雜的指法，要求古琴發出「微、妙、圓、通」的音，稱為「希聲」。江派卻認為既有聲音就應該同時有文詞可演唱，他們的古琴曲譜取音比較單純以便歌唱，稱為「對音」。拿今天的話來講，浙派是把古琴當作獨奏的樂器，而江派似乎是把古琴用作聲樂的伴奏樂器。

在封建社會裏，有一個極常見的規律，就是民間的任何藝術一到了相當高的水平，就會被上層階級或是帝王拿去享受，古琴自然也不例外。浙派的琴很早就被拿進皇宮裏去作供奉，江派的琴也被許多王公和士大夫所欣賞。

明朝的王公們是很會享受的，他們本身似乎沒有甚麼古琴音樂藝術，或者有水平也並不高，但他們往往把民間古琴藝人無分宗派找去當作「清客」供養著，甚至還有個別王公另外奴役著一些所謂「琴生」，使這些「琴生」向民間「琴師」學習古琴以供他們欣賞。有時他們把民間藝人關於古琴的傳說和曲譜搜集起來隨時編印成琴書和琴譜。他們嫌江派的說唱「太俚俗」，多採取浙派琴曲。但是，無論江派和浙派的古琴民間藝人，他們都知道爭取由自己另自刻譜傳世。明清兩代有許多屬於派派的民間藝人，把自己寫的材料珍藏起來，往往在他們死後，會有同情他們的人拿錢出來，替他們刊行。可是有時也被別人竊取了他們的材料而改名刊行。在明代，江派的民間藝人，也有不少自己刻譜傳世的，他們之所以要爭取刻譜傳世，可能是因為他們除了彈琴的指譜之外，還想爭取刊行他們用來律唱的大批古琴文學的材料。江派的古琴文學，是一種具有獨特性的詩歌文字，而且是一種成熟的帶著民間性的文學，成熟到使王公們都要採集刊行，「大詞家」也要摹仿他們。

四、虞山派與民間性的古琴文獻材料

從明代萬曆中葉起三百年來，七十多種古琴專譜之中，凡是提到本身的師承或淵源的琴家，沒有一個不是自稱為虞山派或琴川派的，直到現在的好幾百琴人中還是如此。這是因為刊行《松弦館琴譜》的嚴澂是江蘇常熟人，常熟有一條河叫琴川，有一座山叫虞山，因此，琴人要表示他是採取嚴澂風格的，就自稱為虞山派或琴川派，或熟派（「熟」即常熟）。

但是嚴澂是明嘉靖間大學士嚴訥的兒子，並不是一個琴工（民間藝人）。那末，我們就不免要問：是不是虞山派代表的是士大夫的琴派，而不是代表民間性的琴派呢？

根據材料，我們的答覆是：虞山派（或琴川派、熟派）也是從民間來的，它就是浙派的後身。

嚴澂在他的《藏春塢琴譜》序和《琴川匯譜》序裏面說得很明白，他說：「近世一二俗工，取古文辭用一字當一聲，而謂能聲；又取古曲隨一聲當一字屬成俚語，而謂能文。噫！古樂然乎哉？」他是自認為浙派，正面和江派搞對立，這和他的先進浙派蕭鸞、胡文煥的意識完全相同。在《琴川匯譜》序裏面，他又說：「餘邑名琴川，能琴者不少，胥刻意於聲，而不敢牽合於文——即工拙不齊，要與俗工卑瑣靡靡者懸殊。余遊京師遇太韶沈君，稱一時琴師之冠，氣調與琴川諸士合，而博雅過之，余因以沈君之長輔琴川之遺……」而沈太韶（名音，山陰人）正是當時有名浙派琴工。嚴澂雖然在無意中另得虞山派之名，而實在就是沈音所傳的浙派，因此我們可以說虞山派就是浙派的後身。

不僅嚴澂在京師時的琴師是一個浙派民間琴工，就是他在琴川所學的琴也是來自民間的（他在琴川時的琴師是一個姓徐的染匠）。（王應魁在他的《柳南隨筆》裏說那個姓徐的染匠是向子游的靈魂學來的，那是當時士大夫富有神秘色彩的說法）。

這一具體材料說明了嚴澂的虞山琴派雖然是由士大夫所揭櫫出來，並得到大批士大夫階層經常的讚美，而它的來源卻是地道的民間產物。這還只是一個例子而已，如果就古琴的文獻全部拿來分析，我們可以歸納出如下的幾種情況：

一、只有民間藝人才會創作出可傳的古琴音樂；也只有專業民間藝人才會有系統地傳授古琴音樂。

二、大群的知識份子或士大夫不但欣賞古琴，還喜歡向民間藝人學習，他們或者搜集整理專業民間藝人可傳的古琴材料用自己的名義刻譜傳世，如嚴澂、雲志高；或者集資刊傳民間藝人自己所整理的材料，如蔡毓榮、周魯封、孫洤；或者當專業琴家自己刻譜的時候，他們就列名參加作序，寫跋；或者改裝專業琴家的材料來捧場，如和素的《琴譜合璧》；甚至還有把先進琴家已有的版本剜去行款，加上或改用自己名字的，如沈國裕和馬兆辰。大多數有關古琴的譜錄和文獻，都是專業民間藝人的材料。但有許多是經過知識份子或士大夫的編集的。總之，古琴音樂是民間的創作，而士大夫則多是「述而不作」的。

五、古琴曲的標題和它的內容表現

在有關古琴的所有先秦先漢的神話和故事當中，有一個值得注意的地方，即是都沒有提到他們所演奏的琴曲的標題，這說明了先漢的人對於古琴曲只是強調它們音樂形象和音樂語言的內容表現，而不一定有正確的標題，甚至是沒有標題的。當他們需要分別這個琴曲和那個琴曲時，對於有歌詞的琴曲他們就拿歌詞的頭兩個字作為標題代替曲名，這不只古琴是這樣，全部先秦和民歌集——《詩經》——裏面也都是這樣的。對於那些沒有歌詞的琴曲，或者用主調音如《宮引》、《蕤賓意》、《流徵》之類，或者就所想表現的內容或故事的大意抽出一兩個字或指故事中的主角如「陽春」、「白雪」、「將歸操」、「走馬引」、「文王操」、「楚明光」之類的字眼或故事中主角的動作與名字來做標題。

這種模糊而不完整的標題是根本不能說明琴曲的內容表現的，但是先漢時期師傳口授的古琴曲的曲名事實上只是這樣地存在著和傳下來，而且也或多或少地給後世留下習慣。這樣，到了一定的時期，勢必會有一些熱心的音樂家來把還有人傳授著的琴曲的內容一一加以說明，因為他耽心日久之後古琴家演奏的琴曲會只剩下一些音調和旋律的形式，而說不出內容，或者它們的內容會被歪曲了。

就在漢末，一部記錄琴曲標題並同時解說標題（說明琴曲內容表現）的專著——蔡邕《琴操》——果然出現了。這一部書的全部材料就是把他所知道當時還流傳的四十七個琴曲，就原有的標題，逐一說明它們所表現的內容。

蔡邕《琴操》出現以後，接著在唐代吳競又寫下了一部包括說明漢以後的古琴曲的標題的材料，名叫《樂府古題》要解，簡稱《樂府解題》。這一部書雖然只剩下一些殘篇，但是宋代郭茂倩撰輯的《樂府詩集》已把很多吳競《樂府解題》中關於古琴方面的材料引進去了。

這三部書——蔡邕《琴操》，吳競《樂府解題》，郭茂倩《樂府詩集》——對於後來一般古琴譜裏每一琴曲必有標題而且又有解題一事起了重要的影響，使古琴形成一種要求有明確的標題和要求有明確的內容表現的優良傳統。甚至當任何一個老年古琴家在他演奏一個別人不曾聽過的琴曲時，一定會先把這一曲的標題叫甚麼，所要表現的意思（內容）是些甚麼，向你叨叨地述說一番。

六、古琴曲表現一些甚麼樣的內容

古琴曲都有標題和解題既然是一千八百年來的傳統，並有一千八百年來延續不斷的文獻和著錄，我們要想知道一個古琴曲的正確內容，無論它是歌詞已亡的或是一個器樂曲，無論它有無譜本存在或有譜而還無人能彈，只要把材料好好地集中起來，都是可以查得出來的。

根據目前還不完整的材料初步地看一看，古琴曲的內容絕大多數是嚴肅而端正的。蔡邕《琴操》所記錄的四十七調先漢琴曲的內容大體上是下列四類：對統治階級的怨憤；對遠古開明統治者的懷想；對社會矛盾的反映和一些社會問題的感傷。甚至在詩經裏面本來說明是表現統治階層的團結的「鹿鳴」和表現統治者的善政的「騶虞」，一到了古琴曲裏面就反過來了——蔡邕肯定地說明它們的內容是表現對統治者的悲憤的。蔡邕的時代背景正當著漢末的農民大革命《黃巾起義》，他所收集的當時琴曲，其表現的內容充分帶著革命高潮中的人民激烈情緒，這是很容易理解的。上面一一說明過我國古琴這一音樂藝術主要是民間性的，若從古代古琴曲所表現的內容來看，有時並且是具有人民性的。

還值得注意的是這些反映社會矛盾的古琴曲都是表現爭取「要做好人」和「要做好事」的情緒。它們所表現的不是悲觀的消極情緒，而是樂觀的積極情緒。若是從現時琴家常彈的和還有譜本的古琴曲的內容表現再來全面地研究一下，我們還可以發現有一部分和現時民間音樂一樣是表現愛情和友誼的，另外還有許多是以某一歷史故事為題材的。例如表現為全民福利堅持勞動以戰勝自然的《禹鑿龍門》，鼓勵迅速遷善改過的《風雷引》，表現虛心請益的《圯橋進履》，切戒遭受惡劣的社會意識形態侵蝕的《墨子悲絲》，表現堅持真理至死不屈的《卞和泣玉》等等，還是有一定的現實性的。

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　一九五四年十月.

查阜西：

琴家、琴史及琴樂評論家

前中國音樂家協會副主席

前民族音樂研究所通信研究員

前中央音樂學院民族音樂系主任

Causerie on Guqin

Zha Fuxi

[I] Forms of Gugin

Gugqins which are also called seven-stringed gins are no strangers for many people, not only because of stories found very often in novels and theatres about the friendship between Yu Boya and Zhong Ziqi, and the relationship between the marriage of Sima Xiangru and Zhuo Wenjun and gugqin, but also because of the physical gugins that we can see very often in exhibition halls and antique markets. About two thousand years ago, guqin already emerged from the folklore; about three hundred years ago, gugin was ever used as instrument for the accompaniment of some theatrical and rapping music. Later, there are still many people enjoying gugin, and even now, there are still hundreds of people who can play guqins all over the country. Many people use to enjoy gugin pieces very much.

We have some materials to prove that it (gugin) is one of the important cultural heritages in China. There are music scores which have been preserved in over 90 types of score books (tablatures) for over 1400 years, which have more or less absorbed many valuable melodies of generations. In the past, gugin was loved by people so much that many fairy tales appeared about it. Therefore, it 1s natural that we should pay more attention to it and develop it more.

The shape and structure of gugin feature with very obvious folklore natures. It is the whole body of the gugin of 2-inch thickness, over 6-inch width and 4-feet length that is used as the part for resonance. On a normal stringed musical instrument, the fingerboard is a narrow and small panel or fret that is usually no wider than one tenth of the instrument itself; while on gugin, it is the most part of the body in 4-inch width and 3-feet length where fingers make actions. The pillars of normal stringed instruments is above players’ left hand, while that for gugin is below players’ right hand. Low-pitch string of normal stringed instruments is at the interior side of players, except for kung’ hou which is limited by its shape and structure; while that for guqin is at the external side of players even though its strings are same in length and there is no limitation due to its shape and structure. The resonator of normal stringed instruments is flat on the front surface and arched on the back side; while that of gugin is arched on the front surface and flat on the back. The resonance hole of normal stringed instruments is on the front side while that of guqin is on the rear side.

In the music history, some people tended to believe that stringed instruments of the nationalities with higher civilization level are of the same origin in the European and Asian Continental Cultures and this belief is based on the fact that most stringed instruments are unified in their shapes and structures. However, the unique and rather reversed shape and structure of gugin mentioned above actually disapprove such unification. Such difference makes us raise one new question—whether it is possible that people living on both sides of the middle and lower reaches of Yangtze River and Yellow River actually created another system of music cultures in ancient times. We can be assured that gugin actually derived from stringed instruments of Chu State (one state during the Warring States Period—403BC to 221BC) and Han Dynasty (202BC to 220AD) considering stringed instruments that we saw in exhibitions of antiques from Chu State, and shapes and structures of gugin pictures on stone inscriptions of Qin Dynasty (221BC—206BC) and Han Dynasty. Therefore, it is problematic for Xu Shen (S8AD-147AD) to say the shape of gugin was like an elephant. The materials of Xu Shen were somewhat chaotic, and we can at least decide that elephant-like gins are not with “five strings plus two strings around.” Though we should admit that Babylon gins of the same origin might have come to China as well before Han Dynasty, we are sure there was another origin for Chinese guqins.

[ll] Gugin has always been popular in the folklore. According to gins mentioned in poems and scriptures recorded before Qin and Han dynasties and those depicted on antiques and pictures unearthed, their shapes and structures were very chaotic before Han Dynasty and did differ from current seven-stringed gins in certain ways. Before Han Dynasty, the number of strings of gins and sehs was not certain. Probably people called those bulky stringed instruments which need players to move the frets to tune up as sehs, and named those lighter ones which require players simply to rotate the pillars to tune upas gins. Vin might be a general name for light stringed instrument in ancient times, and this might be the reason why it got popular always in the folk.

It is probable that gins from Han Dynasty began to have seven strings. “Ya Qin (literally elegant gin)” at that time was the instrument used by folk musicians Xiang Shizhong, Zhao Ding and Long De, and was later sent into the court around 100 BC where the ruling class had enjoyed its elegance until We1 State Period and Jin Dynasty when it was still called “Ya Qin”. It seems not until the South Dynasty Period of North and South Dynasties Period (420AD—S89AD) or Shengkang Reign of the end of Han Dynasty at the earliest that the shape and structure of gugins became similar to current ones. They have not only seven strings but also thirteen signia at that time. The earliest Chinese instrumental tablature still preserved today was for guqin scores and was the product of Liang State (one state during North and South Dynasties Period), said to be recorded by folk musician Qiu Ming (500-590).

The folklore gugin players not only developed the instrument until its shape was fixed and created special gugin scores, but also preserved the folk styles of old music cultures of Chu State and Han Dynasty in that chaotic era of changing dynasties. Folk gugin musicians such as Zhao Yeli, Dong Tinglan and Chen Kangshi not only absorbed many exotic melodies including Zhujia melody and Shenjia melody and made various creations, but also wrote many tablatures and special works on the studies of gugin. Later some scholars dreamed of recovering the ancient ways of playing gugin and looked down upon those musicians’ creations by saying they were superficial and vulgar, and not worthy of spreading, those works therefore, unfortunately, disappeared with time. If not due to those scholars’ despise, what good cultural heritages we should have inherited!

In North Song Dynasty (960AD—1120AD) when recovering the old ways was in the peak and South Song Dynasty (1127AD—1279AD) when the whole country hid itself with shame in Southern China, and even in the regions ruled by Liao State (916AD-1125AD) and Jin State (1115AD— 1234AD), it seemed that more scholars began playing guqgins, but fewer folk gugin composers were well-known. For the whole Song Dynasty, we could know some folk gugin musicians such as Sun Daozi and Seng Yihai only from some scriptures on gugin made by the ruling class and scholars. Among the ruling class and scholars, Fan Zhongyan (989AD—1052AD) was well-known for his excellence in playing “Lu Shuang Cao (Walking on Frost)”, Ouyang Xiu (1007-1072) often discussed with others the aesthetics of gugin, and Su Dongpo (1037-1101) liked playing gugin and could also compose. Su even considered gugin music was that of “people of Zheng and Wei States (states during Warring States Period).” All above-mentioned proved that they admitted gugin music came from the folk people. However, their composition works, if the only two preserved tablatures of Song Dynasty—“Gu Yuan (Sadness of the Old Times)” and “Huang Ying Yin (On Whitethroat)’— were considered, couldn’t match those of folk musicians before Song Dynasty at all and didn’t have any folklore styles either. Nevertheless, many folk gugin musicians with strong senses of folklore people emerged again after the end of Song Dynasty. Guo Chuwang living over Song Dynasty and Yuan Dynasty composed the big set of scores “Xiaoxiang Shuiyun (Clouds and Mists of the Xiao and Xiang Rivers)” which is full of power and beats. Mao Minzhong composed the powerful scores of “Qiao Ge (Songs of Woodman).” Wang Dayou composed “Ju You (Thinking in the Jail)” for Wen Tianxiang (1236—1282) who was then jailed by the ruling class. All those scores passed on to today.

[lll] Folk and Non-Folk Gugin

Since early Ming Dynasty when a quite complete set of special tablature for gugin— “Shenqi Mipu (Magic Scores)’—emerged, there have been lots of folk scriptures about gugin and scores of gugin were passed on to today. Many materials of those scriptures and scores were actually cleaned and preserved by folk gugin players at the end of Song Dynasty. Those scriptures are mainly thick inscription books normally of over 10 volumes. There are over 20 types of such scriptures solely in Ming Dynasty and more than 100 types from Qing Dynasty to the foundation of People’s Republic of China. Complete or part of the materials involved in around 90 types of those scriptures can be classified as folklore ones, and we can have a clear picture of the existence of gugin from those materials.

Guqin was spreading not only among folk people. Ruling classes of different dynasties mixed it into band of official miaotan music (literally temple music) (they named it as “Ya Yue”) and played it as ritual music when worshipping the god, the heaven and the earth. Most of the materials about gugin in ancient collections about histories, Confucius studies, etc., were within the range of ritual music, most of which were actually used to anaesthetize people and show off the ruling class’ power to them. In miaotan music, gugins were mixed among many other instruments and were played very rigidly the tunes which were named as “Ya Yue”. If we separated the scores of guqin from “Ya Yue” tablature, they were even valueless in the sense of music. Taichan Shi (music bureau) of various dynasties and Hesheng Shu (music bureau as well) of Qing Dynasty (1636—1912) brought up a group of music officials like parasites. They scramble some music pieces such as “YueWu Sheng” (Dance and Music Piece), “Guozi Sheng” and “Lin Sheng”and played some gins and sehs carelessly among the “Ya Yue” bands when ceremonies were held. There were always some coincs of long music pieces in each dynasty in the name of so-called “Ya Yue,” however, the gugin sections of those pieces, together with the complete sets of “Ya Yue”, were dead when each dynasty ended.

Folklore gugin music, instead, was spreading very actively among people. It didn’t die but develop very well. That there were over 100 types of gugin tablatures in inscriptions since Song Dynasty and Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) mentioned above is one of the proofs for its development. However, in the process of its development, there must have been different schools emerging due to different tastes and interests of gugin lovers. Since the end of Song Dynasty, gugin music in the range of folklore music was divided into two big schools—Zhe School (emerging from current Zhejiang Province) and Jiang School (emerging from current south bank of the eastern section of Yangtze River). In Ming Dynasty, the division of those two schools was clearer with the Zhe School advocating only melodies and no lyrics at all for gugin music. The tablature of Zhe School often required very complicated fingering techniques and gugin players to produce sounds of “delicacy, excellence, sonority and smoothness”, which were called “Xi Yin (Xi Sound).” Jiang School followers, on the other hand, thought there could be lyrics for singing now that there was music. Their guqin scores, named as “Dui Yin (Dui Sound)”, were simpler so to be easy for singing. Explained with current languages, Zhe School followers considered gugin only for solo performances, and Jiang School followers took it for accompaniment instrument.

It was a frequent rule in the feudalism society that something artistic in the folk, if reaching certain high level, would be sent into the court for the enjoyment of the upper class or kinds and emperors. This was no exception for gugin. Guqin music of Zhe School had been sent into the court long time before; while that of Jiang School was also enjoyed very much by nobles and officials.

Nobles of Ming Dynasty knew very well how to enjoy their lives. They didn’t create any guqin music art themselves; or even they did, the levels were not high. But they often succeeded in finding those famous folk gugin musicians no matter schools and supported the musicians at their homes. Some few maharajas even supported some so-called “gin apprentices”, who learned from “gin masters” from the folk for the enjoyment of themselves. Sometimes, they collected stories about gugin and gugin scores popular among folk musicians for publications at their will. They usually despised lyrics of Jiang School to be “vulgar” and preferred music scores of Zhe School. No matter Zhe School or Jiang School, the folk gugin musicians knew how to pass on their achievements by having their own tablatures published as well. Many musicians of Zhe School in Ming and Qing dynasties carefully preserved their compositions and stories in the hope that some rich people would spend money in publishing their achievements after their death due to sympathy. However, there also happenings where some people stole others’ achievements for publications in their own names under such background. In Ming Dynasty, many followers of Jiang School also tried to take opportunities to have their achievements published not only for passing on their fingering scores of the guqin music but also for publicizing lots of literary materials they used for singing. Gugin lyrics that Jiang School followers created were not only a kind of special poetry but also mature folklore literature. They were so mature that some nobles also collected them for publications and big names in poems also tried to copy them.

[IV] Yushan School and Folk Scriptures about Gugin

For over three hundred years since Wanli Reign (1573AD — 1620AD) of Ming Dynasty, among the 70 odd tablatures especially for gugqin, all the writers, without any exception, referred their teachers or history of their gin education to Yushan School or Qinchuan School. Even the existent gin masters of around several hundred now in China also talked about the same origins. Yan Cheng (1547-1625) from Changshu of current Jiangsu Province published “Songxianguan Jipu (Scores made in Songxian Hall).” In Changshu, there is a river called Qinchuan and a mountain named “YuShan”. Therefore, if gin followers want to mean they play in the style of Yan Cheng, they will say they are of Yushan School or Qinchuan School (or Shu School, which means from Changshu.)

However, Yan Cheng was the son of Lai Ne, a Da Xue Shi (one kind of official title in ancient China and equal to the premier or state consultant of a country) of Jiajing Reign (1522—1566) in Ming Dynasty, and himself couldn’t be called a gin worker (folk gin artist). Then, it 1s no strange that we might ask whether Yushan School actually didn’t represent folk gugin musicians but rather musicians of the ruling class.

Our reply, based on materials, is that Yushan (or Qinchuan or Shu) school came from the folklore and is actually the successor of Zhe School.

Yan Cheng explained very clearly in the preface of his score collections “Zangchunwu Qinpu (Scores in Zangchunwu Dock)” and “Qinchuan Huipu (Score Collection of Qinchuan)”, “In recent times, some vulgar gugin players took some words from ancient literature as lyrics for music and said they were able to sing those words, and took some melodies from ancient pieces and said they could make match those melodies with lyrics. Is ancient music really like this?” He stated himself as follower of Zhe School and confronted with Jiang School directly, having the same ideas as earlier Zhe School followers Xiao Ying and Hu Wenhuan. He also said in the preface of “Qinchuan Huipu (Score Collection of Qinchuan)”, “I name myself as Qinchuan. I am somewhat good at guqin, but focus on making beautiful sound not on the lyrics, which is something I try to differ myself greatly from those vulgar gin singers. I once traveled to the capital and met the gin master Shen Taishao, who is the number one in gugin music. He 1s similar with us from Qinchuan in melodies, etc., but much better than us in the elegance. I need to learn from his good points to make up for what we lack…” Shen Taishao (also name as Yin, and came from Shanyin) was actually one of the famous Zhe School gugin players. Though 严澂started a new school of Yushan, he was actually inheriting from Shen Yin the essence of Zhe School. Therefore, we can say Yushan School is actually the future deviation successor of Zhe School.

Among Yan Cheng’s teachers, not only the one in the capital was a folk player of Zhe School, but also the one in Qinchuan came from the folklore. (Yan learned playing gin with a dyer surnamed as Xu in Qinchuan. (Wang Yingkui said in his book “Liunan Shuibi (Causerie in Liunan)”that Dyer Xu learned from the soul of Z1 You (one student of Confucius). This was actually a kind of legendary saying popular among the ruling class.)

his concrete example proved that Yushan School of Yan Cheng was an authentic product of the folklore cultures even though it was created by the ruling class and were much enjoyed by this class. This is only one of many such examples. If we analyze all of the scriptures about gugin, we can have the following summaries.

Only folklore musicians can compose inheritable gugin works and only they can teach guqin music in a systematic way.

Large amount of scholars and officials not only enjoyed gugin music but also learned from folklore players. They either collected inheritable ancient folk music scores and published them in their own names (such as Yan Cheng and Yun Zhigao); or spent money in publishing materials collected by folk players (such as Cai Yurong, Zhou Lufeng, Sun Quan); or wrote prefaces or epilogues for tablatures published by some professional gugin musicians; or revised materials composed by professional gugin musicians to let known their own names, such as “Qinpu Quanbi (Encyclopedia of Guqin Scores) of ???; or even changed some parts of the published tablatures of earlier musicians and added their names on or completely changed composers’ names, such as Shen Guoyu and Ma Zhaochen. Most of the gugin score collections and scriptures were products of professional folk musicians, but many went through the compilation and revision of scholars or officials. In all, gugin music generated from the folk, but mainly published by the ruling class.

[V] Titles of Gugin Pieces and Their Connotations

There is one point worthy of notice that, in all fairy tales and stories in ancient Qin Dynasty and Han Dynasty about gugin, people never mentioned the titles of those pieces ancient musicians played. This showed that people of ancient Han Dynasty or before only stressed music images and presentations of contents by music languages of gugin pieces but not on their titles, or even there might not be titles at all for those pieces. When they needed to distinguish this piece from that piece, they normally took the first two words of the lyrics as piece titles. This was so not only with gugin pieces, but also with all other folk song collections in ancient Qin Dynasty, such as “Shi Jing (Collection of Odes)”. As for those pieces without lyrics, people might use the keynotes as titles, for example (宮引) 、(宾意)、(流徵) , etc. Titles could also come from one or two words summarizing main contents and stories of the music pieces, major roles of the stories, actions or names of the leading roles. Titles in such cases include “Yang Chun (The Summer), “Bai Xue (White Snow)”, “Jianggui Cao (General Comes Back)”, “Zou Ma Yin (On Riding Horses)”, “Wenwang Cao (On King Wenwang)” and “Chu Ming Guang”

Such unclear and incomplete titles couldn’t at all explain the contents of the music pieces. But in reality, titles of ancient gugin pieces of Han Dynasty existed like this and were passed on from generations to generations, and more or less affected the future generations to have the same habit. However, when it was necessary, there must have been some warm-hearted musicians who made certain explanations of contents of gugin pieces still in existence because they were worried that such music pieces would be left with no contents but some melodies and sounds or contents were distorted as time passed by.

At the end of Han Dynasty, one special book recording titles of gugin pieces as well as explaining those titles (as well as contents of the guqin pieces), “Qin Cao” written by Cai Yong, emerged finally. Cai explained contents hinted by the titles one by one for the 47 guqin pieces popular at that time.

After Cai Yong’s “Qin Cao”, Wu Jing in Tang Dynasty wrote the book “Yuefu Guti Yaojie (Essentials on Titles of Ancient Yuefu Music Pieces)”, or simply called “Yuefu Jieti”, explaining titles of many ancient guqgin pieces since Han Dynasty. We inherited only some parts of this book, but “Yuefu Shiyu (Poem Collection of Yuefu)” compiled by Guo Maogqian of Song Dynasty actually quoted many materials about gugin mentioned in Wu Jing’s “Yuefu Tijie”.

These three books—“Qin Cao” of Cai Yong, “Yuefu Tijie” of Wu Jing and” YuefuShiji” of Guo Maogian—extended great influence on future habit that there must be both titles and also explanations of tiles for each gugin piece in most gugin tablatures. Therefore, we also formed the excellent tradition to not only have clear titles of the gugin pieces but also make clear presentations of contents of the music. Any old guqin master plays a piece of music that nobody else ever listened before, he/she will first tell without impatience what title this piece has and about what this gugin piece wants to display.

[IV] What Contents Do Guqin Pieces Want to Express?

Thanks for the 1800-year tradition that guqin pieces should have both titles and explanation of titles, and also thanks for scriptures and papers on guqin continuously accumulated in the past 1800 years, we can always find our answers so long we have the patience to look into those materials if we want to know the correct content of one guqin piece, no matter whether lyrics for this piece already die out or whether it is solely a solo instrumental piece; and no matter whether there are written or not tablatures on this piece or whether nobody knows how to play it any more.

According to materials existent, which are still not very complete, we can see that contents of gugin music pieces are mostly serious and proper. There are mainly four kinds of contents in the 47 music pieces of ancient Qin Dynasty recorded in Cai Yong’s “Qin Cao”: anger at and complaints of the ruling classes, longing for the open-minded and integral rulers of ancient times, depictions of social conflicts and sadness on some social problems. Two pieces of poems collected in “Shi Jing (Collection of Odes)”—‘Lu Ming He” which “Shi Jing” explained the cooperation of the ruling classes and ??? which “Shi Jing” said to show kind policies of the ruling classes—were explained in totally reversed ways in Cai Yong’s work. He explained with confidence that those two pieces actually depicted people’s anger at the ruling classes. Cai Yong lived in the era when peasants launched the large-sized revolution—Huangjin (yellow headband) Revolution—at the end of Han Dynasty. Therefore, it is understandable that many of music pieces he collected at that time were full of powerful and revolutionary emotions of people in the wave of protests to the ruling class. I mentioned above that gugin, as a kind of music art in China, is of folk people’ and now when contents of gugin music are talked about, they are also of folklore nature.

It is noteworthy that those gugin pieces depicting social conflicts were full of such themes as to “being good man” and to “doing good things.” Therefore, what they tried to express were very optimistic emotions rather than depressed or pessimistic ones. When we research on contents of some other gugin scores or those pieces with written tablatures that current musicians often play, we can find that some tried to depict love and friendship, same as current folk music, and some told certain historical stories. For example, “Yu Zao Longmen (Yu Chiseled Longman Grottoes??)” depicts Yu stuck to working despite of unfriendly natural conditions for the benefits of the people, “Feng Xue Yin (About Wind and Snow)” encourages people to correct wrong doings and follow the good, “Yigiao Jinlu (Presenting the Shoe at Yi Bridge)” tells the benefits of being humble, “Mozi Beisi (Sadness of Mozi)’prevents people to be affected by unfriendly ideologies, and “Bianhe Qiyu (Bianhe Cries for the Jade)” praises actions to follow the truth despite of danger of death. All those contents are useful still in current days.

October, 1954